With upcoming elections later this week, the EU is trying to sway the Serbians to vote west, west, west. The EU has just made a deal with Serbia to make it easier to get visas...perhaps suggesting that if the elections go the way they want they could be heading towards full membership along the road.
check out this interview with Goran Svilanovic who represents the Belgrade Centre for Human Rights. From 2000-2004 he was the minister of foreign affairs of Serbia and Montenegro and president of the reformist Civic Alliance of Serbia.
http://www.euractiv.com/en/enlargement/eu-enormous-investment-serbia/article-172258
Friday, May 9, 2008
Transformation in Post-Communist Serbia (final paper, woaaaah!)
Transformation in Post-Communist Serbia:
Redefining a Nation
Since the collapse of Communism, Serbia has undergone profound transformations, up to and including the physical definition of the state and its boundaries. From the dismantling of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to Kosovo’s recent breakaway, it has struggled to establish itself politically, economically and culturally in post-Communist Europe. After the “transition from one illegitimate system (communism) to another illegitimate system (extreme nationalism)” (Pavlakovic 8), Serbia began to crack down on corruption and work towards a stable democracy, only to find itself in a new crisis with the secession of Kosovo. Considerable dissension over what direction the country should take at this critical point has led to the dissolution of the parliament, with new elections scheduled for May 15th. The issue of Kosovo is the end of a long chain of nationalist resurgence that has greatly shaped the situation Serbia, as the country strives to define itself in post-Communist Europe.
The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: Corruption and Collapse
The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, created after World War II, contained the now independent states of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Slovenia and the disputed independent state of Kosovo (“Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”). Leader Josep Broz Tito made Yugoslavia one of the founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement during the Cold War (“Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”). Under the slogan of “brotherhood and unity”, Tito employed market socialism in hopes that economic interests would supercede regional ethnic tensions (Gagnon 2). Yet although living standards and economic growth rate of Yugoslavia were among the highest in Eastern Europe, this would not be sufficient to hold the country together forever (Gagnon 2).
Under Communism, Yugoslavia was separated into largely autonomous districts, and “instead of the center running the entire economy, there were eight centers running eight economies” (Gagnon 3). Under this system, Serbia contained some of the most and least developed regions of Yugoslavia, and despite efforts to foster economic equality, poorly planned policies of investment and development focusing on heavy industry only widened the gap between them (Thomas 27). The greater Belgrade region was the largest manufacturing center in Yugoslavia, noted for its considerable consumer goods and food processing sector, however the province of Kosovo had high unemployment, up to 54% in the 1980s and its natural resources were largely squandered due to poor management (Thomas 27).
After Tito’s death, Yugoslavia became increasingly embroiled in ethnic tensions and burgeoning nationalism and the economy was by then in need of serious reform. “During the 1980s, the structural weaknesses of the Yugoslav economy were becoming increasingly evident” (Thomas 26). “In a situation of hyperinflation of over 10,000% yearly, falling production, high unemployment, a large foreign debt, domestic monetary chaos and accumulated structural economic problems,” Prime Minister Markovic's reform program attempted to privatize sectors of the Yugoslav economy, and centralize the monetary policy by putting it into the hands of the federal government (Lazic and Sekelj). The latter act however did not gain full political support, because in Slovenia and Croatia non-Communist political parties came to power in parliamentary elections in 1990, mandating the creation of independent states (Lazic and Sekelj). In this way, the economy became entangled in political and nationalist conflict that eventually led to the dissolution of the SFRY.
The Markovic reform program was aimed at creating an integrated Yugoslav market, and its failure sealed the fate of the republic, as reform conflicted with nationalist party interests (Gagnon 4). “The former Yugoslavia is a case where the integrative processes of state identity formation” ultimately failed (Sekulic et. al. 84). Furthermore, the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences was among the most prominent critics of the federal government, claiming it supported an “anti-Serbian coalition in Yugoslavia” (Gagnon 5). It is at this point, in the late 1980s, that Slobodan Milosevic gained power, consolidating his control over the Serbian party organization by catering to nationalist sentiments that Serbia had been ill-served by the current political system (Gagnon 5).
Then, “in 1992, Yugoslavia formally dissolved in all out war” (Milosavljevic 51).
The Milosevic Era: Nationalism and the Outbreak of War
By 1992, four countries declared independence from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia—Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbian President Milosevic was opposed to the secession of these states and claimed the large minority of Serbs within their borders had the right to stay in Yugoslavia and that the Yugoslav Constitution gave the right of self-determination to populations (Serbs, Croats, etc) as a whole, not republics (Serbia, Croatia, etc) (Lukic 56). “In essence, this was about the concept of a Serbian Yugoslavia, politically dominated by the Serbian people,” a union forming “the Greater Serbia”, rather than an egalitarian federation, to which the other nations of Yugoslavia were not willing to subscribe (Stojanovic 461). He used confrontational rhetoric to insist that Serbian outside the Serb border were in danger, Moving from Communist ideology to nationalist ideology, “with nation replacing class…opponents of the regime became enemies of the state” (Gordy “The Culture of Power…” 12). This provoked extremists in Croatia to stage a Croatian Serb rebellion (Gagnon 15), and later Bosnia and Herzegovina was also thrust into war when Bosnian Serbs captured as much as 70% of the country (“Slobodan Milosevic”). The situation then deteriorated into a series of wars fought over the span of nearly a decade in the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (“Slobodan Milosevic”).
During this time, Serbia and Montenegro declared themselves the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and refused to apply for membership to international organizations, insisting that their new state was automatically entitled to those positions formerly held by the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Lukic 57). “This absurd situation of perpetuating a nonexistent republic had repercussions in the FRY,” leaving it in a state of political limbo, with the flag of the defunct SFRY flying outside UN headquarters, although this was not the flag of the FRY (Lukic 57). Furthermore, it was partially excluded from UN activity, and suspended from other international organizations (Lukic 57). Additionally, Serbia became more and more distanced from Western European ideas and traditions over the course of the war. The premier newspaper Politika contained anti-Western sentiment, along with nationalist rhetoric in order to bolster support for the Serbian nation-state ideal and the war (Perovic 111). It would not be until after Milosevic that Serbia would again reach out to the West, and reapply for membership to international organizations.
Back at home, Serbia became highly controlled under Milosevic, and at the same time highly corrupt. The FRY was born into dramatic economic failure, and the government was “disinclined to institute any serious attempt at reform as any diminution of state control over the social and economic apparatus would also diminish” its power (Thomas 163-4). Furthermore, the ruling elite regained control of major enterprises that had become privatized before the dissolution of the SFRY (Lazic). Economic collapse forced many in the professional class to emigrate, and animosity between urban and agricultural sectors intensified, as peasants refused to sell their produce to city dwellers for worthless dinars, and blamed the lack of petrol and fertilizers on the inefficiency of urban bureaucrats (Thomas 166). Furthermore, the remnants of the previous command economy meant the presence of a strong black market which laid the groundwork for Milosevic’s government to “intentionally merge its law-enforcing institutions with organized crime to set up an extensive system of gray and black economies to circumvent sanctions” (“Partners in Crime…” 43). Thus the Serbian State Security Service (SDB) was highly corrupt under Milosevic, dealing with opposition to the regime, organizing paramilitary formations and channels for the networking of smuggling and money laundering (Jovanovic).
Despite the social and economic crisis in Serbia, war is what truly defined the Milosevic era, as it was interwoven with every aspect of life. Trafficking was often for arms to fight in Bosnia (“Partners in Crime”). War contributed to the deterioration of international relations in Serbia, and eventually led to the collapse of the FRY and the Milosevic regime (Thomas 251). Shortly after NATO intervention in Kosovar conflict in 1999, Milosevic was voted out of office, and in 2003, Serbia shifted definitions again to become the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, until 2006 when Montenegro seceded to become the newest independent country in the world, not counting the disputed situation of Kosovo (“Slobodan Milosevic”).
Post-Milosevic: Continued Conflict and Reform
Serbia has struggled greatly with reorienting its political and economic landscape since Milosevic. With the murder of President Zoran Djindjic by a member of Zemun clan in 2003, Serbia began a large scale crackdown on organized crime (Gordy, “Serbia and Djindjic…” 7), and also rounding up war criminals. It has proved difficult to dismantle the significant amount of corruption in the public and private sector (Ristic 1). However, despite the persistence of crime and corruption in the aftermath of Milosevic’s heavy hand of authoritarian control, Serbia also regained full membership in the UN— “its frontiers with neighbors were opened, the dinar became relatively stable, the country was admitted in the Council of Europe and it applied for membership in the Partnership for Peace” (Pribcevic 1). Furthermore, after the Yugoslav Wars, Serbia has been receiving more direct foreign investment and capital as it attempts to reform the economy (Ristic 15). Thus, like other countries in the Balkans, Serbia is looking to the West and the European Union for support and political inspiration (Rupnik 1), although recently, relations have been strained over the secession of Kosovo, which has proved the most contentious issue in recent Serbian politics.
Kosovo is a prime example of what can happen in areas without a clear nation-state. “Where state borders are contestable and unstable, liberal and democratic principles—the rights of individuals and their political equality as citizens—are eclipsed by the logically prior question: who belongs?” (Batt 14). Since the collapse of Communism, Serbia has struggled mightily with this question in its efforts to forge a Yugoslav union or a “greater Serbia”, and now, with Kosovo, it is raised again. In this instance, Serbia has been as yet unwilling to recognize Kosovo as a separate state, and plans to open polls there for Serbian elections in May (Robinson).
The Kosovo issue also poses an obstacle to Serbian integration into the European Union, as most countries in the EU recognize Kosovo as an independent country, among other issues including hiding war criminals, and problems with integrating the economy (Batt 33). Indeed, Kosovo’s secession is the reason that Boris Tadic dissolved the Parliament in March until the May elections (Associated Press). The intention is that this should allow the people to “determine whether the country aligns itself with the European Union and other Western groups” or whether it will “return to its isolationist past” (Associated Press). Although Tadic refuses to link Serbian EU status with the Kosovo issue, as time goes on, they seem inextricably linked, as membership in the EU would put the country in a better position to assert its position on Kosovo (Associated Press).
Conclusion
When Communism failed to unite the separate nations of Yugoslavia in the interest of larger political and economic aims, Serbia reacted with aggressive nationalism, spurred on by economic crisis and ethnic conflict. Milosevic rose to power in a time of great unrest, leading the country into war to fight for a “greater Serbia” beyond its present borders. The decade of Yugoslav wars ravaged Serbia economically and politically as it was hostile to the international community, and trade broke down between peasants and the urban centers, who blamed each other for their financial hardships (Thomas 166). Since Milosevic was ousted, Serbia has struggled to reassert itself in the international community, bolster up trade, and establish a connection with the West that could eventually lead to EU membership. Yet the same issues of nationalism and boundary definition are resurfacing since Kosovo declared its independence in February. The country is hoping that in the new parliament elections, citizens will vote “for the people who can tell anyone, including the EU, where are Serbia’s borders” (Associated Press).
Works Cited
Associated Press, The. “Serbia’s President Dissolves Parliament”. International Herald Tribune. March 13, 2008. April 24, 2008..
Batt, Judy. “The Question of Serbia”. Chaillot Papers. August 2005.
Gagnon, V. P. “Yugoslavia: Prospects for Stability”. Council of Foreign Relations, Inc. 2004.
Gordy, Eric. “Serbia and Djindjic: War Crimes, Organized Crime and Trust in Public Institutions”. Problems of Post-Communism vol. 51, no. 3. May/June 2004. 10-17.
Gordy, Eric D. The Culture of Power in Serbia: Nationalism and the Destruction of Alternatives, The Pennsylvania State University. University Park, Pennsylvania, 1996.
Lazic, Mladen, and Laslo Sekelj. “Privatisation in Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro)”. Europe-Asia Studies. September 1997. Vol. 49, Issue 6.
Lukic, Reneo. “From the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to the Union of Serbia and Montenego”. Serbia Since 1989: Politics and Society Under Milosevic and After. Ed Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovic. University of Washington Press. Seattle. Washington, 2005. 55-94.
Jovanovic, Jela. “Nacional Reveals the Head Mafia Boss of the Balkans”. Nacional Neovisni News Magazin. 21 May 2001..
Milosavljevic, Olivera. “Yugoslavia as a Mistake”. The Road to War in Serbia: Trauma and Catharsis. Ed. Nebojsa Popov. Central European University Press. Plymouth, United Kingdom, 2000. 50-80.
“Partners in Crime: The Risks of Symbiosis Between The Security Sector and Organized Crime in Southeast Europe”. Center for the Study of Democracy. 2004..
Pavlakovic, Vjeran. “Serbia Transformed? Political Dynamics in the Milosevic Era and Afertwards”. Serbia Since 1989: Politics and Society Under Milosevic and After. Ed Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovic. University of Washington Press. Seattle. Washington, 2005. 13-54.
Perovic, Latinka. “The Flight from Modernization”. The Road to War in Serbia: Trauma and Catharsis. Ed. Nebojsa Popov. Central European University Press. Plymouth, United Kingdom, 2000. 109-122.
Pribicevic, Ognjen. “Serbia After Milosevic”. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies Vol, 4, No. 1. January 2004. 107-118.
Ristic, Zoran. “Privatization and Direct Foreign Investment in Serbia”. South-East Europe Review. February 2004. 121-136.
Robinson, Matt. “Serbia Says Will Hold May Elections in Kosovo”. International Herald Tribune. March 31, 2008. April 24, 2008..
Rupnik, Jacques. “Yugoslavia After Milosevic”. Survival Vol.43, No 2. Summer 2001. 19-29.
Sekulic, Dusko, Garth Massey and Randy Hodson. “Who Were the Yugoslavs? Failed Sources of a Common Identity in the Former Yugoslavia”. American Sociological Review, Vol. 59, No. 1 (February 1994), pp. 83-97.
“Slobodan Milosevic”. Wikpedia, Inc. April 24, 2008. April 24, 2008..
“Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”. Wikipedia, Inc. 19 April 2008. 21 April 2008..
Stojanovic, Dubravka. “The Traumatic Circle of the Serbian Opposition”. The Road to War in Serbia: Trauma and Catharsis. Ed. Nebojsa Popov. Central European University Press. Plymouth, United Kingdom, 2000. 449-478.
Thomas, Robert. The Politics of Serbia in the 1990s. Columbia Press. New York, New York, 1999.
Redefining a Nation
Since the collapse of Communism, Serbia has undergone profound transformations, up to and including the physical definition of the state and its boundaries. From the dismantling of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to Kosovo’s recent breakaway, it has struggled to establish itself politically, economically and culturally in post-Communist Europe. After the “transition from one illegitimate system (communism) to another illegitimate system (extreme nationalism)” (Pavlakovic 8), Serbia began to crack down on corruption and work towards a stable democracy, only to find itself in a new crisis with the secession of Kosovo. Considerable dissension over what direction the country should take at this critical point has led to the dissolution of the parliament, with new elections scheduled for May 15th. The issue of Kosovo is the end of a long chain of nationalist resurgence that has greatly shaped the situation Serbia, as the country strives to define itself in post-Communist Europe.
The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: Corruption and Collapse
The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, created after World War II, contained the now independent states of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Slovenia and the disputed independent state of Kosovo (“Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”). Leader Josep Broz Tito made Yugoslavia one of the founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement during the Cold War (“Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”). Under the slogan of “brotherhood and unity”, Tito employed market socialism in hopes that economic interests would supercede regional ethnic tensions (Gagnon 2). Yet although living standards and economic growth rate of Yugoslavia were among the highest in Eastern Europe, this would not be sufficient to hold the country together forever (Gagnon 2).
Under Communism, Yugoslavia was separated into largely autonomous districts, and “instead of the center running the entire economy, there were eight centers running eight economies” (Gagnon 3). Under this system, Serbia contained some of the most and least developed regions of Yugoslavia, and despite efforts to foster economic equality, poorly planned policies of investment and development focusing on heavy industry only widened the gap between them (Thomas 27). The greater Belgrade region was the largest manufacturing center in Yugoslavia, noted for its considerable consumer goods and food processing sector, however the province of Kosovo had high unemployment, up to 54% in the 1980s and its natural resources were largely squandered due to poor management (Thomas 27).
After Tito’s death, Yugoslavia became increasingly embroiled in ethnic tensions and burgeoning nationalism and the economy was by then in need of serious reform. “During the 1980s, the structural weaknesses of the Yugoslav economy were becoming increasingly evident” (Thomas 26). “In a situation of hyperinflation of over 10,000% yearly, falling production, high unemployment, a large foreign debt, domestic monetary chaos and accumulated structural economic problems,” Prime Minister Markovic's reform program attempted to privatize sectors of the Yugoslav economy, and centralize the monetary policy by putting it into the hands of the federal government (Lazic and Sekelj). The latter act however did not gain full political support, because in Slovenia and Croatia non-Communist political parties came to power in parliamentary elections in 1990, mandating the creation of independent states (Lazic and Sekelj). In this way, the economy became entangled in political and nationalist conflict that eventually led to the dissolution of the SFRY.
The Markovic reform program was aimed at creating an integrated Yugoslav market, and its failure sealed the fate of the republic, as reform conflicted with nationalist party interests (Gagnon 4). “The former Yugoslavia is a case where the integrative processes of state identity formation” ultimately failed (Sekulic et. al. 84). Furthermore, the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences was among the most prominent critics of the federal government, claiming it supported an “anti-Serbian coalition in Yugoslavia” (Gagnon 5). It is at this point, in the late 1980s, that Slobodan Milosevic gained power, consolidating his control over the Serbian party organization by catering to nationalist sentiments that Serbia had been ill-served by the current political system (Gagnon 5).
Then, “in 1992, Yugoslavia formally dissolved in all out war” (Milosavljevic 51).
The Milosevic Era: Nationalism and the Outbreak of War
By 1992, four countries declared independence from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia—Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbian President Milosevic was opposed to the secession of these states and claimed the large minority of Serbs within their borders had the right to stay in Yugoslavia and that the Yugoslav Constitution gave the right of self-determination to populations (Serbs, Croats, etc) as a whole, not republics (Serbia, Croatia, etc) (Lukic 56). “In essence, this was about the concept of a Serbian Yugoslavia, politically dominated by the Serbian people,” a union forming “the Greater Serbia”, rather than an egalitarian federation, to which the other nations of Yugoslavia were not willing to subscribe (Stojanovic 461). He used confrontational rhetoric to insist that Serbian outside the Serb border were in danger, Moving from Communist ideology to nationalist ideology, “with nation replacing class…opponents of the regime became enemies of the state” (Gordy “The Culture of Power…” 12). This provoked extremists in Croatia to stage a Croatian Serb rebellion (Gagnon 15), and later Bosnia and Herzegovina was also thrust into war when Bosnian Serbs captured as much as 70% of the country (“Slobodan Milosevic”). The situation then deteriorated into a series of wars fought over the span of nearly a decade in the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (“Slobodan Milosevic”).
During this time, Serbia and Montenegro declared themselves the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and refused to apply for membership to international organizations, insisting that their new state was automatically entitled to those positions formerly held by the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Lukic 57). “This absurd situation of perpetuating a nonexistent republic had repercussions in the FRY,” leaving it in a state of political limbo, with the flag of the defunct SFRY flying outside UN headquarters, although this was not the flag of the FRY (Lukic 57). Furthermore, it was partially excluded from UN activity, and suspended from other international organizations (Lukic 57). Additionally, Serbia became more and more distanced from Western European ideas and traditions over the course of the war. The premier newspaper Politika contained anti-Western sentiment, along with nationalist rhetoric in order to bolster support for the Serbian nation-state ideal and the war (Perovic 111). It would not be until after Milosevic that Serbia would again reach out to the West, and reapply for membership to international organizations.
Back at home, Serbia became highly controlled under Milosevic, and at the same time highly corrupt. The FRY was born into dramatic economic failure, and the government was “disinclined to institute any serious attempt at reform as any diminution of state control over the social and economic apparatus would also diminish” its power (Thomas 163-4). Furthermore, the ruling elite regained control of major enterprises that had become privatized before the dissolution of the SFRY (Lazic). Economic collapse forced many in the professional class to emigrate, and animosity between urban and agricultural sectors intensified, as peasants refused to sell their produce to city dwellers for worthless dinars, and blamed the lack of petrol and fertilizers on the inefficiency of urban bureaucrats (Thomas 166). Furthermore, the remnants of the previous command economy meant the presence of a strong black market which laid the groundwork for Milosevic’s government to “intentionally merge its law-enforcing institutions with organized crime to set up an extensive system of gray and black economies to circumvent sanctions” (“Partners in Crime…” 43). Thus the Serbian State Security Service (SDB) was highly corrupt under Milosevic, dealing with opposition to the regime, organizing paramilitary formations and channels for the networking of smuggling and money laundering (Jovanovic).
Despite the social and economic crisis in Serbia, war is what truly defined the Milosevic era, as it was interwoven with every aspect of life. Trafficking was often for arms to fight in Bosnia (“Partners in Crime”). War contributed to the deterioration of international relations in Serbia, and eventually led to the collapse of the FRY and the Milosevic regime (Thomas 251). Shortly after NATO intervention in Kosovar conflict in 1999, Milosevic was voted out of office, and in 2003, Serbia shifted definitions again to become the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, until 2006 when Montenegro seceded to become the newest independent country in the world, not counting the disputed situation of Kosovo (“Slobodan Milosevic”).
Post-Milosevic: Continued Conflict and Reform
Serbia has struggled greatly with reorienting its political and economic landscape since Milosevic. With the murder of President Zoran Djindjic by a member of Zemun clan in 2003, Serbia began a large scale crackdown on organized crime (Gordy, “Serbia and Djindjic…” 7), and also rounding up war criminals. It has proved difficult to dismantle the significant amount of corruption in the public and private sector (Ristic 1). However, despite the persistence of crime and corruption in the aftermath of Milosevic’s heavy hand of authoritarian control, Serbia also regained full membership in the UN— “its frontiers with neighbors were opened, the dinar became relatively stable, the country was admitted in the Council of Europe and it applied for membership in the Partnership for Peace” (Pribcevic 1). Furthermore, after the Yugoslav Wars, Serbia has been receiving more direct foreign investment and capital as it attempts to reform the economy (Ristic 15). Thus, like other countries in the Balkans, Serbia is looking to the West and the European Union for support and political inspiration (Rupnik 1), although recently, relations have been strained over the secession of Kosovo, which has proved the most contentious issue in recent Serbian politics.
Kosovo is a prime example of what can happen in areas without a clear nation-state. “Where state borders are contestable and unstable, liberal and democratic principles—the rights of individuals and their political equality as citizens—are eclipsed by the logically prior question: who belongs?” (Batt 14). Since the collapse of Communism, Serbia has struggled mightily with this question in its efforts to forge a Yugoslav union or a “greater Serbia”, and now, with Kosovo, it is raised again. In this instance, Serbia has been as yet unwilling to recognize Kosovo as a separate state, and plans to open polls there for Serbian elections in May (Robinson).
The Kosovo issue also poses an obstacle to Serbian integration into the European Union, as most countries in the EU recognize Kosovo as an independent country, among other issues including hiding war criminals, and problems with integrating the economy (Batt 33). Indeed, Kosovo’s secession is the reason that Boris Tadic dissolved the Parliament in March until the May elections (Associated Press). The intention is that this should allow the people to “determine whether the country aligns itself with the European Union and other Western groups” or whether it will “return to its isolationist past” (Associated Press). Although Tadic refuses to link Serbian EU status with the Kosovo issue, as time goes on, they seem inextricably linked, as membership in the EU would put the country in a better position to assert its position on Kosovo (Associated Press).
Conclusion
When Communism failed to unite the separate nations of Yugoslavia in the interest of larger political and economic aims, Serbia reacted with aggressive nationalism, spurred on by economic crisis and ethnic conflict. Milosevic rose to power in a time of great unrest, leading the country into war to fight for a “greater Serbia” beyond its present borders. The decade of Yugoslav wars ravaged Serbia economically and politically as it was hostile to the international community, and trade broke down between peasants and the urban centers, who blamed each other for their financial hardships (Thomas 166). Since Milosevic was ousted, Serbia has struggled to reassert itself in the international community, bolster up trade, and establish a connection with the West that could eventually lead to EU membership. Yet the same issues of nationalism and boundary definition are resurfacing since Kosovo declared its independence in February. The country is hoping that in the new parliament elections, citizens will vote “for the people who can tell anyone, including the EU, where are Serbia’s borders” (Associated Press).
Works Cited
Associated Press, The. “Serbia’s President Dissolves Parliament”. International Herald Tribune. March 13, 2008. April 24, 2008.
Batt, Judy. “The Question of Serbia”. Chaillot Papers. August 2005.
Gagnon, V. P. “Yugoslavia: Prospects for Stability”. Council of Foreign Relations, Inc. 2004.
Gordy, Eric. “Serbia and Djindjic: War Crimes, Organized Crime and Trust in Public Institutions”. Problems of Post-Communism vol. 51, no. 3. May/June 2004. 10-17.
Gordy, Eric D. The Culture of Power in Serbia: Nationalism and the Destruction of Alternatives, The Pennsylvania State University. University Park, Pennsylvania, 1996.
Lazic, Mladen, and Laslo Sekelj. “Privatisation in Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro)”. Europe-Asia Studies. September 1997. Vol. 49, Issue 6.
Lukic, Reneo. “From the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to the Union of Serbia and Montenego”. Serbia Since 1989: Politics and Society Under Milosevic and After. Ed Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovic. University of Washington Press. Seattle. Washington, 2005. 55-94.
Jovanovic, Jela. “Nacional Reveals the Head Mafia Boss of the Balkans”. Nacional Neovisni News Magazin. 21 May 2001.
Milosavljevic, Olivera. “Yugoslavia as a Mistake”. The Road to War in Serbia: Trauma and Catharsis. Ed. Nebojsa Popov. Central European University Press. Plymouth, United Kingdom, 2000. 50-80.
“Partners in Crime: The Risks of Symbiosis Between The Security Sector and Organized Crime in Southeast Europe”. Center for the Study of Democracy. 2004.
Pavlakovic, Vjeran. “Serbia Transformed? Political Dynamics in the Milosevic Era and Afertwards”. Serbia Since 1989: Politics and Society Under Milosevic and After. Ed Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovic. University of Washington Press. Seattle. Washington, 2005. 13-54.
Perovic, Latinka. “The Flight from Modernization”. The Road to War in Serbia: Trauma and Catharsis. Ed. Nebojsa Popov. Central European University Press. Plymouth, United Kingdom, 2000. 109-122.
Pribicevic, Ognjen. “Serbia After Milosevic”. Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies Vol, 4, No. 1. January 2004. 107-118.
Ristic, Zoran. “Privatization and Direct Foreign Investment in Serbia”. South-East Europe Review. February 2004. 121-136.
Robinson, Matt. “Serbia Says Will Hold May Elections in Kosovo”. International Herald Tribune. March 31, 2008. April 24, 2008.
Rupnik, Jacques. “Yugoslavia After Milosevic”. Survival Vol.43, No 2. Summer 2001. 19-29.
Sekulic, Dusko, Garth Massey and Randy Hodson. “Who Were the Yugoslavs? Failed Sources of a Common Identity in the Former Yugoslavia”. American Sociological Review, Vol. 59, No. 1 (February 1994), pp. 83-97.
“Slobodan Milosevic”. Wikpedia, Inc. April 24, 2008. April 24, 2008.
“Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”. Wikipedia, Inc. 19 April 2008. 21 April 2008.
Stojanovic, Dubravka. “The Traumatic Circle of the Serbian Opposition”. The Road to War in Serbia: Trauma and Catharsis. Ed. Nebojsa Popov. Central European University Press. Plymouth, United Kingdom, 2000. 449-478.
Thomas, Robert. The Politics of Serbia in the 1990s. Columbia Press. New York, New York, 1999.
Tuesday, April 29, 2008
More Troops in Kosovo
Britain plans to send 600 troops to Kosovo NATO peacekeeping duty. They will be the standby reserve of NATO in the region for the next 6 months. The influence of NATO in Kosovo as a peacekeeping force has been important ever since the end of the war in Kosovo in 1999.
The quotes in this article are pretty funny:http://news.uk.msn.com/Article.aspx?cp-documentid=8197133
Ever since the declaration of independence of Kosovo, the situation has been "tense". Um, yeah.
Friday, April 25, 2008
Serbia in Cooperation Talks With UN
Talks in Belgrade are meant to solve the "many technical problems" that have arisen since February. This includes the polls issue in Kosovo for the may elections...
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2008&mm=04&dd=23&nav_id=49683
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2008&mm=04&dd=23&nav_id=49683
Wednesday, April 23, 2008
Same Old, Same Old
Although this is a very critical time in Serbia, the news this week has been the same old story--is Serbia headed toward EU membership? how does that fit into its relationship with Russia? what about kosovo and the upcoming elections? the UN security council vote is still undecided about their stance on the polls in Kosovo issue. News may be in limbo until the May 15th elections. So Hold your breath and count to....22 days.
Wednesday, April 16, 2008
Fan Killed in Soccer Riots
One person was fatally shot and others were wounded in a brawl between rival soccer fans in Serbia. Fan riots are considered quite common especially between organized gangs who are often manipulated by nationalist parties. What a crazy dynamic!
Full article (still very short) here:
http://canadianpress.google.com/article/ALeqM5gQTBFQ7pmFShmCEB3ZoTcH0xbQyg
Full article (still very short) here:
http://canadianpress.google.com/article/ALeqM5gQTBFQ7pmFShmCEB3ZoTcH0xbQyg
Wednesday, April 9, 2008
UN Cautions Serbia Against Local Elections in Kosovo
The UN has taken its position on the local elections proposed in Kosovo on May 11 as Serbia considers it part of their country. It is not clear how their opposition will come into play either by use of force, or just invalidation of votes cast.
The article is actually slightly confusing as the UN claims to have "no problem with Kosovar Serbs voting" it's just the polls held IN Kosovo that are the problem??
Full article:
http://www.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUSL0927466920080409?pageNumber=1&virtualBrandChannel=0
The article is actually slightly confusing as the UN claims to have "no problem with Kosovar Serbs voting" it's just the polls held IN Kosovo that are the problem??
Full article:
http://www.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUSL0927466920080409?pageNumber=1&virtualBrandChannel=0
Tuesday, April 8, 2008
Tuesday, April 1, 2008
Serbia to Hold Elections in Kosovo
As the upcoming elections draw closer, Serbia insistst that polls will be open in Kosovo on May 11. The UN is worried that Kosovar Serbs going to vote will cause huge security problems. however, the real issue at hand is do they have a right to vote and should therefore be protected, or not? and who gets to decide?
The UN has yet to declare whether the election in Kosovo will be permitted.
Full article here:
http://www.iht.com/articles/reuters/2008/03/31/europe/OUKWD-UK-SERBIA-KOSOVO-ELECTION.php
The UN has yet to declare whether the election in Kosovo will be permitted.
Full article here:
http://www.iht.com/articles/reuters/2008/03/31/europe/OUKWD-UK-SERBIA-KOSOVO-ELECTION.php
Thursday, March 27, 2008
Organ....donors?
i remember talking about the organ trade in moldova, and apparently they are not alone! The Serbian police are investigating reports that Kosovar Albananians are selling the organs of Serbian prisoners to Italy and other western countries since 2000. Since 1999 The Red cross has reported thousands of missing or killed persons and even more have fled. The KLA denies these claims (surprise surprise). I decided not to look for a picture to go with this article...might get gruesome.
Full article here: http://www.adnkronos.com/AKI/English/Security/?id=1.0.2012353556
Full article here: http://www.adnkronos.com/AKI/English/Security/?id=1.0.2012353556
Saturday, March 22, 2008
Swimming Champion Suspended Over T-shirt
I couldn't find a picture of the t-shirt but this billboard proclaiming "kosovo is part of serbia" is very similar to what was written on the record breaking swimmer, Milorad Cavic's t-shirt which he wore to the medal presentation ceremony at the European Swimming Championships in the Netherlands. He has been suspended for wearing it on the basis that constitutes making a clear political statement. The team plans to appeal the decision.
Full story:
http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/193866,serbias-euro-champ-suspended-over-kosovo-shirt.html
Tuesday, March 18, 2008
Riots Breaking Out Again: What does this portend?
I found this video of the riots that occured yesterday in Mitrovika. NATO held the lines, but this could be bad news for plans to join the EU, among other things...in other news, Japan is considering Kosovo's independence and Serbia and Russia aren't too happy about it...
Thursday, March 13, 2008
Election Update
Boris Tadic has dissovled the parliament over disunity in the government over the priority of EU admission v. defense of Kosovo. Elections are scheduled for May 11. This could be a very important election, as it is certainly going to decide the direction Serbia will go in and perhaps give the world idea on what the Serbians think is truly important. It's a tough decision.
Speaking of Tadic, here he is with one of our own. It was taken two years ago but he looks pretty much the same:
Speaking of Tadic, here he is with one of our own. It was taken two years ago but he looks pretty much the same:
France and Sweden Prepared to Lend a Helping Hand
France and Sweden have declared that they would like to see Serbia get official EU candidacy. Serbia has already signed an agreement with the EU that opens up trade and more political cooperation yet Netherlands has blocked a move to pass a bill that would carry this further and prepare Serbia for EU candidacy. Netherlands insists that Serbia is undeserving since it has failed to hand over certain war criminals. However, Sweden and France say they are ready and willing to help Serbia prepare to be part of the EU.
France and Sweden both recognize Kosovo.
France and Sweden both recognize Kosovo.
Saturday, March 8, 2008
Ashes, Ashes, We all Fall Down
Serbia's prime minister Vojislav Kostunica resigned today, stating he will convene a session with the caretaker government that intends to suggest to President Boris Tadic that he dissolve the Parliament and hold new elections. and the president has called in early elections in May. He insists that a government without united policies is unable to function, and therefore it is best to leave it up to the people to decide what they want for the future. Just to make things more complicated, Serbia's desire to join the EU has been called into question as many countries in the EU recognize Kosovo as an independent country.
For a full story (and by that I mean basically more direct quotes):
http://ap.google.com/article/ALeqM5gfr72vt3X8HCz0cLInrmZBZgxkZAD8V9ETLG0
For a full story (and by that I mean basically more direct quotes):
http://ap.google.com/article/ALeqM5gfr72vt3X8HCz0cLInrmZBZgxkZAD8V9ETLG0
Thursday, March 6, 2008
Dismantling a System of Corruption: Organized Crime in Serbia
Dismantling a System of Corruption: Organized Crime in Serbia Since the Fall of Communism
Katie Willingham
Ian Muehlenhaus
Assignment 2
Due: March 7, 2008
Political upheaval since the collapse of Communism has brought about a situation of instability in many regions of the Balkans that is conducive to high levels of organized crime. Kosovo has been a particular hot bed for mafia activity, especially in the early 90s aided by its close connections with Albania and the trafficking of weapons, drugs and even human beings. The Serbian mob was also highly active under the rule of Slobodan Milosevic, who used the mob to carry out many of his own political, military and economic goals. Despite this, there has been a more recent drop in organized crime in the past few years with the election of more progressive government officials, and especially a serious crackdown right after the assassination of prime minister Zoran Djindjic in 2003 (Green).
In light of the collapse of Yugoslavia and the Bosnian conflict in the early 90s, Kosovo was prime breeding ground for mobsters. As a stateless nation, the 90% ethnic Albanian mostly Muslim province was “under the heel of a government in Belgrade that appeared ever-more determined to make the province Serbian and Orthodox Christian again” (Viviano). Thus it comes as no surprise that Kosovo Albanians turned to the mob for aid, which became a central player in the European drugs-for-arms trade. In order to finance the war in ex-Yugoslav Bosnia, the Serbs were involved in laundering drug money and counterfeiting. German secret service coordinator Bernd Schmid Bauer estimated that $1.5 billion in drug profits were laundered in Serbia in 1994 (Viviano). This money largely went into financing the war in Bosnia. Drug traffickers from Kosovo traveled across mountains and seas into the European Union, which was then comprised of 15 countries, at which point they were able to move around at will. French and Swiss police both reported arrests of Kosovar drug traffickers, including a drug ring in France that was believed to be connected to drugs-for-arms trade in Switzerland in the early 90s (Viviano).
It comes as no surprise that this strong mafia presence in Kosovo, and the rest of Serbia in the early 90s led directly into the presidential reign of Slobodan Milsosevic who was president of the Federal Republic Of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) from 1997 to 2000. The remnants of a command economy were also in place, which meant the presence of a strong black market. This laid the groundwork for Milosevic’s government to “intentionally merge its law-enforcing institutions with organized crime to set up an extensive system of gray and black economies to circumvent sanctions” (“Partners in Crime…” 43). Thus the Serbian State Security Service (SDB) was highly corrupt under Milosevic, dealing with opposition to the regime, organizing paramilitary formations and channels for the networking of smuggling and money laundering (Jovanovic). Because of the low level of loyalty to the Federal Yugoslav People’s army, paramilitary gangs of convicts and criminals were sent to Bosnia to do the fighting (“Partners in Crime…” 44). The SDB was crawling with criminals as well, one of the most infamous of which was Zeljko Raznatovik Arkan, the “unofficial king of the Serbian underworld” who began his career as an assassin for the SDB in the 1970s (“Partners in Crime…” 46). Indeed, the SDB was so deeply integrated with the mafia that after the fall of Milosevic, 600 kilograms of 93% pure heroin was found by the police in a safe deposit box rented by the SDB in Belgrade (“Partners in Crime…” 49). The police force under Milosevic was also an extremely corrupt institution, partaking in such practices as “petty corruption, involving traffic police, to cooperation with smugglers, car thieves, and protection racketeers to major corruption connected with oil, arms and excise goods smuggling, the drug trade, stolen vehicles trade, assassinations and financial manipulations” (“Partners in Crime…” 48).
After the fall of Milosevic a long process began to reform the secret services and truly crack down on organized crime. In 2002, the Serbian Parliament replaced the corrupt SDB with a new secret service called the Security-Information Agency (BIA) (“Partners in Crime…” 45). Going after organized crime was one of the new organization’s major goals, however this dream did not exactly come to fruition. Prominent members of the BIA who kept close relations with the Zemun and Surcin clans retained their jobs in the security agency, which remains a serious obstacle to tackling Serbia’s organized crime problem (“Partners in Crime…” 46). Customs in Serbia also continued to be involved in corrupt activity after the fall of Milosevic, as more than half of the officers in the department were hired under Milosevic (“Partners in Crime…” 54). However, reduced tolerance of corruption did diminish its presence somewhat. Furthermore, many assassinations occurred in the second half of the 1990s and early in the 21st century as the mafia resented the threat to their authority imposed by government reform. The mafia also moved into other sectors of society during this time—“they own banks, newspapers and TV channels, import and export companies and supermarket chains, and are among the main financiers of political parties” (“Partners in Crime…” 58). The Zemun clan also continued to be involved in “kidnapping, murder, and the smuggling of cigarettes, arms, and people” (Phillips). In some cases, previous crime lords have even acted as intermediaries in the past several years between international companies and the Serbian government, as foreign companies look to the mafia to protect their investment in regions where the state is either too weak or too corrupt to provide the desired level of security (“Partners in Crime…” 59).
One of the major events to blow up in the post-Milosevic era was the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic in 2003, a reformer who helped to oust Milosevic and had recently “declared war on organized crime” (Baker). It is no surprise then that the perpetrator was believed to be acting under the orders of Milorad “Legija” Lukovic, the former head of the special police unit The Red Berets under Milosevic (Baker). Mr. Djindjic was sought on the same day that his cabinet was to sign warrants for the arrests of Lukovic and other leaders of the Zemun Clan for war crimes and other corrupt activity (Simpson). His death was believed to stall reform in Serbia, but in actuality it resulted in a major criminal roundup. Nearly 400 criminal charges were brought against those detained for questioning within a month, including police and security officials accused of corruption (Phillips). Among them was Serbia’s deputy prosecutor accused of being on the Zemun Clan’s payroll (Phillips). Many of criminals brought in during this period were also charged with war crimes, the two accusations being inextricably linked as a result of the mafia state situation under Milosevic (Green).
Most recent accounts of organized crime in Serbia continue to cite the crackdown on corruption in government and other areas. Branislav Ristivojevic, an advisor to the Serbian Prime Minister, stated at the end of February that Serbia intends to file lawsuits with the International Court of Justice against those countries recognizing the “terrorist KLA” claiming that independent Kosovo is an “Albanian mafia state” (“Lawsuits Against Countries that…”), which is ironic considering that the Serbians are fighting to keep it within their territory. However, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) does have a history of association with the Albanian mafia, and cocaine and other drug trafficking (“Articles on KLA-Kosovo-Drugs-Mafia and Fundraising”). Furthermore, the KLA is considered a terrorist organization and does have a history of relation with Islamic terrorists including Bin Laden, who has historically provided them with money (Deliso).
It is clear that since the fall of Communism, the entire Balkan region, and Serbia in particular has suffered from continued issues of organized crime resulting from the black market already in place under the previous command economy, and the instability of the collapse of Yugoslavia. Serbia has been pushed to two extremes in a very short time: under Milosevic, the state and the mafia were so integrated that they were effectively equivalent, and then since 2003, the government has severely cracked down on organized crime to the extent that some human rights organizations have expressed concern about permitted police brutality, especially in the “state of emergency” effective after the assassination of Zoran Djindjic (Phillips).
Works Cited
“Articles on KLA-Kosovo-Drugs-Mafia and Fundraising”. Balkania.net. 1999..
Baker, Russ. “Milosevic Henchman Sought Over Slaying of Serbian Leader”. Toronto Star. 13 March 2003..
Deliso, Christopher. “Bin Laden, Iran and the KLA: How Islamic Terrorism Took Root in Albania”. Antiwar.com 19 September 2001..
Green, Peter S. “Serbia Cracks Down on Mobsters and War-Crime Suspects”. The New York Times. 21 April 2003..
Jovanovic, Jela. “Nacional Reveals the Head Mafia Boss of the Balkans”. Nacional Neovisni News Magazin. 21 May 2001..
“Lawsuits Against Countries that Recognize the Albanian Mafia State in Serbia”. Byzantine Sacred Arts Blog. 28 February 2008..
“Partners in Crime: The Risks of Symbiosis Between The Security Sector and Organized Crime in Southeast Europe”. Center for the Study of Democracy. 2004..
Phillips, John. “In Serbia, Prime Minister’s Slaying Triggers Mafia Roundup.” Christian Science Monitor. 25 Mach 2003..
Simpson, Daniel. “Serbs’ Premier is Assassinated; Led in Reforms”. The New York Times. 13 March 2003..
Viviano, Frank. “The Wretched of the Earth: Kosovo’s Mafia”. Mother Jones. May/June 1995..
Katie Willingham
Ian Muehlenhaus
Assignment 2
Due: March 7, 2008
Political upheaval since the collapse of Communism has brought about a situation of instability in many regions of the Balkans that is conducive to high levels of organized crime. Kosovo has been a particular hot bed for mafia activity, especially in the early 90s aided by its close connections with Albania and the trafficking of weapons, drugs and even human beings. The Serbian mob was also highly active under the rule of Slobodan Milosevic, who used the mob to carry out many of his own political, military and economic goals. Despite this, there has been a more recent drop in organized crime in the past few years with the election of more progressive government officials, and especially a serious crackdown right after the assassination of prime minister Zoran Djindjic in 2003 (Green).
In light of the collapse of Yugoslavia and the Bosnian conflict in the early 90s, Kosovo was prime breeding ground for mobsters. As a stateless nation, the 90% ethnic Albanian mostly Muslim province was “under the heel of a government in Belgrade that appeared ever-more determined to make the province Serbian and Orthodox Christian again” (Viviano). Thus it comes as no surprise that Kosovo Albanians turned to the mob for aid, which became a central player in the European drugs-for-arms trade. In order to finance the war in ex-Yugoslav Bosnia, the Serbs were involved in laundering drug money and counterfeiting. German secret service coordinator Bernd Schmid Bauer estimated that $1.5 billion in drug profits were laundered in Serbia in 1994 (Viviano). This money largely went into financing the war in Bosnia. Drug traffickers from Kosovo traveled across mountains and seas into the European Union, which was then comprised of 15 countries, at which point they were able to move around at will. French and Swiss police both reported arrests of Kosovar drug traffickers, including a drug ring in France that was believed to be connected to drugs-for-arms trade in Switzerland in the early 90s (Viviano).
It comes as no surprise that this strong mafia presence in Kosovo, and the rest of Serbia in the early 90s led directly into the presidential reign of Slobodan Milsosevic who was president of the Federal Republic Of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) from 1997 to 2000. The remnants of a command economy were also in place, which meant the presence of a strong black market. This laid the groundwork for Milosevic’s government to “intentionally merge its law-enforcing institutions with organized crime to set up an extensive system of gray and black economies to circumvent sanctions” (“Partners in Crime…” 43). Thus the Serbian State Security Service (SDB) was highly corrupt under Milosevic, dealing with opposition to the regime, organizing paramilitary formations and channels for the networking of smuggling and money laundering (Jovanovic). Because of the low level of loyalty to the Federal Yugoslav People’s army, paramilitary gangs of convicts and criminals were sent to Bosnia to do the fighting (“Partners in Crime…” 44). The SDB was crawling with criminals as well, one of the most infamous of which was Zeljko Raznatovik Arkan, the “unofficial king of the Serbian underworld” who began his career as an assassin for the SDB in the 1970s (“Partners in Crime…” 46). Indeed, the SDB was so deeply integrated with the mafia that after the fall of Milosevic, 600 kilograms of 93% pure heroin was found by the police in a safe deposit box rented by the SDB in Belgrade (“Partners in Crime…” 49). The police force under Milosevic was also an extremely corrupt institution, partaking in such practices as “petty corruption, involving traffic police, to cooperation with smugglers, car thieves, and protection racketeers to major corruption connected with oil, arms and excise goods smuggling, the drug trade, stolen vehicles trade, assassinations and financial manipulations” (“Partners in Crime…” 48).
After the fall of Milosevic a long process began to reform the secret services and truly crack down on organized crime. In 2002, the Serbian Parliament replaced the corrupt SDB with a new secret service called the Security-Information Agency (BIA) (“Partners in Crime…” 45). Going after organized crime was one of the new organization’s major goals, however this dream did not exactly come to fruition. Prominent members of the BIA who kept close relations with the Zemun and Surcin clans retained their jobs in the security agency, which remains a serious obstacle to tackling Serbia’s organized crime problem (“Partners in Crime…” 46). Customs in Serbia also continued to be involved in corrupt activity after the fall of Milosevic, as more than half of the officers in the department were hired under Milosevic (“Partners in Crime…” 54). However, reduced tolerance of corruption did diminish its presence somewhat. Furthermore, many assassinations occurred in the second half of the 1990s and early in the 21st century as the mafia resented the threat to their authority imposed by government reform. The mafia also moved into other sectors of society during this time—“they own banks, newspapers and TV channels, import and export companies and supermarket chains, and are among the main financiers of political parties” (“Partners in Crime…” 58). The Zemun clan also continued to be involved in “kidnapping, murder, and the smuggling of cigarettes, arms, and people” (Phillips). In some cases, previous crime lords have even acted as intermediaries in the past several years between international companies and the Serbian government, as foreign companies look to the mafia to protect their investment in regions where the state is either too weak or too corrupt to provide the desired level of security (“Partners in Crime…” 59).
One of the major events to blow up in the post-Milosevic era was the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic in 2003, a reformer who helped to oust Milosevic and had recently “declared war on organized crime” (Baker). It is no surprise then that the perpetrator was believed to be acting under the orders of Milorad “Legija” Lukovic, the former head of the special police unit The Red Berets under Milosevic (Baker). Mr. Djindjic was sought on the same day that his cabinet was to sign warrants for the arrests of Lukovic and other leaders of the Zemun Clan for war crimes and other corrupt activity (Simpson). His death was believed to stall reform in Serbia, but in actuality it resulted in a major criminal roundup. Nearly 400 criminal charges were brought against those detained for questioning within a month, including police and security officials accused of corruption (Phillips). Among them was Serbia’s deputy prosecutor accused of being on the Zemun Clan’s payroll (Phillips). Many of criminals brought in during this period were also charged with war crimes, the two accusations being inextricably linked as a result of the mafia state situation under Milosevic (Green).
Most recent accounts of organized crime in Serbia continue to cite the crackdown on corruption in government and other areas. Branislav Ristivojevic, an advisor to the Serbian Prime Minister, stated at the end of February that Serbia intends to file lawsuits with the International Court of Justice against those countries recognizing the “terrorist KLA” claiming that independent Kosovo is an “Albanian mafia state” (“Lawsuits Against Countries that…”), which is ironic considering that the Serbians are fighting to keep it within their territory. However, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) does have a history of association with the Albanian mafia, and cocaine and other drug trafficking (“Articles on KLA-Kosovo-Drugs-Mafia and Fundraising”). Furthermore, the KLA is considered a terrorist organization and does have a history of relation with Islamic terrorists including Bin Laden, who has historically provided them with money (Deliso).
It is clear that since the fall of Communism, the entire Balkan region, and Serbia in particular has suffered from continued issues of organized crime resulting from the black market already in place under the previous command economy, and the instability of the collapse of Yugoslavia. Serbia has been pushed to two extremes in a very short time: under Milosevic, the state and the mafia were so integrated that they were effectively equivalent, and then since 2003, the government has severely cracked down on organized crime to the extent that some human rights organizations have expressed concern about permitted police brutality, especially in the “state of emergency” effective after the assassination of Zoran Djindjic (Phillips).
Works Cited
“Articles on KLA-Kosovo-Drugs-Mafia and Fundraising”. Balkania.net. 1999.
Baker, Russ. “Milosevic Henchman Sought Over Slaying of Serbian Leader”. Toronto Star. 13 March 2003.
Deliso, Christopher. “Bin Laden, Iran and the KLA: How Islamic Terrorism Took Root in Albania”. Antiwar.com 19 September 2001.
Green, Peter S. “Serbia Cracks Down on Mobsters and War-Crime Suspects”. The New York Times. 21 April 2003.
Jovanovic, Jela. “Nacional Reveals the Head Mafia Boss of the Balkans”. Nacional Neovisni News Magazin. 21 May 2001.
“Lawsuits Against Countries that Recognize the Albanian Mafia State in Serbia”. Byzantine Sacred Arts Blog. 28 February 2008.
“Partners in Crime: The Risks of Symbiosis Between The Security Sector and Organized Crime in Southeast Europe”. Center for the Study of Democracy. 2004.
Phillips, John. “In Serbia, Prime Minister’s Slaying Triggers Mafia Roundup.” Christian Science Monitor. 25 Mach 2003.
Simpson, Daniel. “Serbs’ Premier is Assassinated; Led in Reforms”. The New York Times. 13 March 2003.
Viviano, Frank. “The Wretched of the Earth: Kosovo’s Mafia”. Mother Jones. May/June 1995.
Monday, March 3, 2008
Links Update
ALSO: A blog on the balkans has been added to "Useful Links". There's a fun recent post about the angry mob storming the British embassy carrying poster of Milosevic. That's sure to win them support with Europeans.... Looks like it might be somewhat outdated, but there's some interesting stuff. Also added to "Useful Links"--> Blic, a news website focusing on serbia
Arkan: Infamous Serbian War Criminal/ War Hero
I stumbled on these videos while doing some mob research just now and they are startling!!! I know they are kind of long but my jaw dropped. Arkan argued with a reporter during the Kosovo war that he only killed "in battle". These videos just appeared on youtube last week, but they date back to the late 90s when Arkan gave several interviews with CNN, BBC and other foreign reporters insisting that he was, by no means, a war criminal. Arkan was assassinated in 2000 in a hotel in Belgrade surrounded by other guests. He was buried with military honors and a Serbian Orthodox ceremony attended by 20,000 people.
part 1 provides some back story and starts the interview...
aaaand part 2 is more in detail and more shocking, still...
part 1 provides some back story and starts the interview...
aaaand part 2 is more in detail and more shocking, still...
The "Greater Serbia"
Kosovo's declaration of indepedence has, not surprisingly, created waves of nationalist sentiment among Serbs who feel Kosovo is part of a "greater Serbia." Pro-European politicians are slandered as "traitors". Some feel the nationalist feelings blooming now are far more dangerous than during the Milosevic era, because the West is against Serbia.
Here's more info:
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB120407748293795413.html?mod=googlenews_wsj
Here's more info:
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB120407748293795413.html?mod=googlenews_wsj
Thursday, February 28, 2008
Nullifying Kosovo's Independence May Pay Off?
Shortly after Kosovo declared independence on February 17th, Serbia's economic minister, Mladjan Dinkic, declared that the Serbian government would cease to pay Kosovo's foreign debt of over $1 billion. However, as of this morning it has come to their attention that this goes against the Serbian nullification of Kosovo's indepedence.
Despite having lost much of their control over the province in 1999, Serbia continued to pay of Kosovo's debt at a rate of $150 million each year. And if Kosovo is still part of Serbia according to the Serbian government, why stop now? This decision is also seen as a political move to maintain Serbia's claim on the breakaway region.
This report just in from The Guardian: http://www.guardian.co.uk/feedarticle?id=7344877
Despite having lost much of their control over the province in 1999, Serbia continued to pay of Kosovo's debt at a rate of $150 million each year. And if Kosovo is still part of Serbia according to the Serbian government, why stop now? This decision is also seen as a political move to maintain Serbia's claim on the breakaway region.
This report just in from The Guardian: http://www.guardian.co.uk/feedarticle?id=7344877
Sunday, February 24, 2008
EU Withdraws from Kosovo (Weren't you people supposed to support this new nation? Oops!)
I found this article from the telegraph, posted in the middle of last night.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2008/02/24/wserbia124.xml
It's not optimistic though. The United States "backs Kosovo's independence" but with what? The United States withdrew staff from their embassy in Belgrade in fear of protest violence, followed by EU withdrawal from northern Kosovo. The EU was meant to be taking over control of stability and security in Kosovo from the United Nations, but instead they've balked at the earliest signs of violence so where does this leave Kosovo?
Ok and this time there's a picture:
U.S. and NATO forces stand guard a border checkpoint.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2008/02/24/wserbia124.xml
It's not optimistic though. The United States "backs Kosovo's independence" but with what? The United States withdrew staff from their embassy in Belgrade in fear of protest violence, followed by EU withdrawal from northern Kosovo. The EU was meant to be taking over control of stability and security in Kosovo from the United Nations, but instead they've balked at the earliest signs of violence so where does this leave Kosovo?
Ok and this time there's a picture:
U.S. and NATO forces stand guard a border checkpoint.
Migration: Serbia is Looking to Become a White Schengen Nation
The EC has stated the possibility of abolishing visas by the end of this year, and making Serbia part of the white Schengen list. Serbia has already met three of the five criteria. The two remaining are concerned with illegal immigration and matters of public order and peace. The recent violence surrounding the independence of Kosovo may prove to be a major setback. It will be interesting to see how the EU or EU member countries will treat Kosovar migrants in the future, especially if violence continues.
Here's a full article on the issue from early February. Oh yeah, and sorry there's no exciting picture for this post...I will try to have one next time!
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2008&mm=02&dd=09&nav_id=47580
Here's a full article on the issue from early February. Oh yeah, and sorry there's no exciting picture for this post...I will try to have one next time!
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2008&mm=02&dd=09&nav_id=47580
Thursday, February 21, 2008
The First Body
As a result of the riots against Kosovo's independence, the first victim of the conflict has been claimed. An unidentified charred body was recovered from the U.S. Embassy today.
Tuesday, February 19, 2008
Checkpoints Ablaze in Protest
Kosovar Serbs set fire to two border checkpoints between Kosovo and Serbia, although as of yet there are no reports of injury. Will this escalate into violence?
More details:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7252874.stm
Monday, February 18, 2008
Wikipedia's "Serbia" article suspended
 | Editing of this article by unregistered or newly registered users is currently disabled until February 23, 2008 (UTC). If you cannot edit this article and you wish to make a change, you can discuss changes on the talk page, request unprotection, log in, or create an account. |
 | The neutrality of this article is disputed. Please see the discussion on the talk page.(February 2008) Please do not remove this message until the dispute is resolved. |
 | This article is related to a current event: 2008 Kosovo declaration of independence. Information may change rapidly as the event progresses. We'll see what happens when the page goes back up. Who thinks this will be all worked out by February 23rd? hmmmm |
Serbia Declares Kosovo's Independence "criminal"
Kosovo Albanian leaders are charged with "organising the proclamation of a phoney state on Serbian territory". Serbian leaders say Kosovo's independence is a violation of international law, its constitution, the UN Charter and UN Security Council Resolution 1244.
"Resolution 1244, adopted at the end of the Kosovo conflict, gave the territory "substantial autonomy" under Serbian sovereignty and put in place the UN mission and NATO-led peacekeepers." http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2008/02/18/2166065.htm?section=world
Sunday, February 17, 2008
History in the Making
Serbia insists that Kosovo is a "false" state. Backed by Russia, Serbia condemns Kosovo's independence. Here's an article about it from just a few hours ago.
http://www.reuters.com/article/latestCrisis/idUSL1743063
http://www.reuters.com/article/latestCrisis/idUSL1743063
New Links
"Useful Links" are now up and running. As noted, Wikipedia is probably more accurate for demographic information etc. than CIA World Factbook because it is updated more frequently. The ministry of defense has it's own site which is pretty neat too!
Sunday, February 10, 2008
EXIT music festival (music blends with protest...very cool!)
embedding was disabled upon request? (weird.) but here's a link to this cool news report on the EXIT music festival. It looks like a great project and it actually started as protest against conflict in the former Yugoslavia, but now it's grown and taken on other issues. i also thought it was pretty interesting that it's sponsored by MTV. The EXIT festival won the UK Festival Award for best European festival in 2007.
http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=8290202588705300622
Plans are underway for EXIT 08 and the Sex Pistols are confirmed to be perfoming on July 13th. Rock on...
http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=8290202588705300622
Plans are underway for EXIT 08 and the Sex Pistols are confirmed to be perfoming on July 13th. Rock on...
Serbia's Stance on Kosovo: It's not over til it's over!
President Tadic insists Serbia will not accept Kosovo's independence, and Serbia-EU relations are strained. Russia is also in the fray having blocked a UN agreement on the independence decision.
Here's the link for more info!!
http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2008/02/a7d12b47-f449-45b7-af32-7b1ec88d2030.html
Here's the link for more info!!
http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2008/02/a7d12b47-f449-45b7-af32-7b1ec88d2030.html
Tuesday, February 5, 2008
Kosovo Moves Toward Declaring Independence
With newly elected president Boris Tadic (who won in a rather close election 50.5% to 47% for nationalist opponent Tomislav Nikolic), the EU as moved to improve relations with Serbia, and Kosovo is expected to declare independence soon. At a critical time, the election of Tadic is seen as an indication that Serbia is moving towards more democracy and closer relations with the European Union, including the possibility of future admittance into the folds of the organization. at the same time, Kosovo is about to declare it's independence, WITHIN THE NEXT FEW WEEKS. WOAH! Actually, no launch date has been decided as yet for the launch of EU police and legal officials to provide stability during the changeover but one is expected to be decided by EU foreign ministers on the 18th of February. The NATO forces currently stationed in Kosovo are also expected to remain.
History is in the works! Here's the link to an entire article about it from the BBC:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7226959.stm
History is in the works! Here's the link to an entire article about it from the BBC:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7226959.stm
Monday, February 4, 2008
Sunday, February 3, 2008
On the Map!
Land-locked between several other countries, Serbia is located on the Balkan peninsula. It is at the crossroads of Central, Southern and Eastern Europe. The Danube flows through the northern part of the country and it is bordered on the east by the Carpathian Mountains.
This map provides a better view of where Serbia is situated in Europe.
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